"The Obama team finds itself in a dilemma as it prepares for a speech considered historic even before it has been delivered ... The intended demonstration of respect for the Muslim world is a great vehicle, but there are many small obstacles lurking beneath the road."
In the coming months, the U.S.
president wants to give a major reconciliation address in a Muslim country.
There are good reasons to prefer a city far from the Arab world.
No sooner had Barack Obama
announced his desire to deliver a speech in an important Muslim city, than many
began to dream of receiving a visit by the great man. For instance, Rafaat
Othman, professor of Islamic law at Cairo's Al-Azhar University, cannot imagine
a more appropriate place than the mosque at his own educational establishment.
After all, mosques and universities are among the oldest and most prestigious
institutions in Sunni Islam. And religious scholars here, time and again, have condemned
the terrorist acts of religious fundamentalists.
But Othman will be
disappointed. So much symbolism is wrapped up in the location of Obama's speech
that when choosing a suitable atmosphere, his advisors will have to check twice.
And when they do so, they'll find that a certain Izz ad-Din al-Qassam , a terrorist
of an earlier hour who preyed upon Jewish settlers in the 1930’s during the
British Mandate of Palestine , once studied
at Al-Azhar. Today, the Qassam rocket, with which the radical Islamic Hamas
provoked the war in Gaza, bares his name. In addition, Ahmed Yassin, the
founder of Hamas, also set down his prayer rug here. Therefore, this isn't such
a good choice.
MANY SMALL STUMBLING
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This small
example illustrates the dilemma in which the Obama team finds itself, as it prepares
for a speech considered historic even before it has been delivered. The intended demonstration of respect for the Muslim world is a great vehicle, but there are many small obstacles lurking beneath the road. To continue with Egypt, there's
a lot to argue for an appearance in this, the largest Arab country. Cairo is
one of few governments in the region that maintains full diplomatic relations
with Israel and is one of the most important allies of the United States. In
both the conflict between Israel and Hamas and the conflict between Hamas and its
rival Fatah, the Egyptians excelled as mediators.
This attitude of Egypt is
worthy of support. So it's not without reason that observers in Washington
count this land as a favorite for Obama’s appearance. But the domestic political
situation looks different: A symbolic visit to Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak
doesn't lend itself to sending a signal of a new beginning. It would sound like
mockery for Obama to call for the respect of human rights and democracy while
standing at Mubarak’s side. In fact, the U.S. President would certainly
encounter this problem in most Arab countries.
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What's more, a broader
problem presents itself: Obama’s team set a new standard during the campaign
and the inauguration. To Obama's PR-experts, who take account of every political
consideration, the backdrop for the speech is no small matter. Obama knows that
jubilant crowds before the lectern can't be taken for granted, despite the hope
that rests on him. Counter-demonstrations can be assured in many countries, even
in Egypt. Fundamental positions such as Obama's attitude toward Israel will not
change - and with good reason. Disillusionment is inevitable for many.
Turkey Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan storms out of a debate on the Middle East after an exchange with Israeli President Shimon Peres, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Jan. 29.
Moreover, in the
short and medium term, there are several reasons to exclude nearby lands
as well. Not only due to the appearance at Davos of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan of Turkey - a NATO partner and vital U.S. ally who has established an incongruous
closeness to Hamas [Erdogan walked out of an appearance with Israeli President
Shimon Peres (photo, left) during a discussion on Gaza. Walkout occurs at 01:04:00 WATCH]. In Iraq and Afghanistan, it would still
appear like an appearance by the occupier, and Pakistan is too tightly intertwined
with Afghanistan.
Again and again, the names of
small Gulf states and North African countries have been mentioned. Qatar stands
out because of its attempt to chart its own foreign policy course. But since
Hamas leader Khaled Mashal gave thanks to the attitude of the country in regard
to the war on Gaza, Qatar is immediately disqualified. Besides, going to Qatar
would be an affront to Saudi Arabia, which is ineligible because it is one of
the most oppressive countries. An appearance in Oman or Morocco would diminish the
significance of the event. It must be a politically important country in which
Obama speaks. And it must be one that deserves attention. That narrows it down.
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THE AUDACITY OF DISTANCE
In Washington, one
alternative which would also seem obvious to Obama personally, is brought up
again and again: Indonesia. It was here that he spent years of his childhood, and
which has given him tremendous popularity in the Muslim world. But many warn
that Obama would thereby offend Arabs and relativize his commitment to the
region. Southeast Asia might be an apolitical alternative. But is it really?
But for all the domestic political
reservations: With an appearance in the country with the largest Muslim
population, Obama would demonstrate that the Muslim world extends far beyond North
Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. The message could be that Arab lands have no
undisputed entitlement to the leadership of the Muslim world. Obama has a way
of showing a lot of courtesy; the American admits his mistakes. Now he can
signal that the Arab world also has obligations to fulfill. And it's safe to
say that cheering crowds would be there for him in Jakarta.
